Common field and three-field use. When the Alemanni settled in our areas, they
found a lot of forest and "pasture land. Around the small villages there
were fenced orchards and vineyards, hemp and flaxed fields (house fields); the
cereal fields were attached to it. even walls made of piled up stones without
mortar (dry stone) had to keep the grazing cattle from planting. The forest and
pasture area remained common property, commonwealth. What a valuable social
facility for the then thinly sown population! Even the poor man who only had a
hut and a tree garden on which he made hay for the Winter feeding of his only
cow, was able to send it to the pasture during the summer months under the care
of the community herder. In the Allmendwald (community service, justice, right)
he fetched enough wood for the existence of his hut, the fencing of his site
and the fire maintenance on the stove and in the stove. Such a day laborer or
Tagnauer (Tauner), as the old writings call him, was a reasonably safe man. He
was able to win the daily bread for himself and his family by working for the
big farmer in the field, or at home with the tailor's needle or shoemaker's
awl. And the common use of the Allmend tied the community members, rich and
poor, closer to each other and somewhat compensated for the difference between
them. Even the lesser man felt like a member of a whole, as a co-owner of the
common good. Later leaves of our parish register will show that this common
ground could also lead to disagreements. The stubble fields up to the autumn
seeds also served as pasture for the cattle, as well as the grain fields in the
third year in which they were left unused, that is, unbroken, unploughed. From
the old Alemannic period up to the 18th century, today's peasant rule applied:
manure is trickery! still extremely because of the pasture on the Allmend, the
manure from the winter barn feeding was at most sufficient for the vegetable
and tree garden and the hemp puncture; no waste was too good for the grain
fields. But the fields never endured exploitation without reimbursement. Our
grandfathers responded to this set of experiences by letting the field rest for
the third year, keeping it broke. After all, these fallows (fields) offered a
usable pasture. Such a change in arable farming meant, of course, that there
had to be three ridges for each community, each of which had to be ordered in
the same way. Dr. In this case, Strickler says: The fields were divided in:
Winterzell with grain and wheat for the first year of use; then summer egg with
oats, barley, beans etc. for the second year of use; the third, the Brach zelg,
offered pasture for a year. - How this three-field economy changed to a certain
extent in the course of time and then dissolved, may be hinted at later. If
Toussen had an outside field against Wolsen, an inner field against Dachelsen
and a back field against Bickwil, the four neighboring villages can still
easily find remnants of their three-field use. How could this centuries-old
social institution not have had to be a good bond in the community?
The field names (goods name) from Wolsenand Bickwil have been put together. Many of them have a clear meaning in themselves, others have a less open meaning, and with third it can hardly be explained. The names indicate, for example: a) The shape and size: Rundacker, also Siwellacker, Siwellen, ("siuwell" is intended to mean "round" in Middle High German); Stilts (Spitzacker), six yurts (Juchart). b) The location: Bodenäcker, Kleinbühl, Breite, Breiten, Moos Äcker, Rebäcker, Giebel, Grundweid, Lochweid, Platten, Schürweid (at a barn), Hofmatt. Moos, Förch, Weid, Letten. d) A peculiarity: Kilchäcker (the church) and Frauentaler (obligatory to the monastery), tithing-free (lucky exception), Rossweid, Kalchweid (formerly with oneLime kiln). A number of these proper names can also be found under the hall names of many other places, country up, country down. Differentiating from "pasture according to the nature of its livestock, except for the aforementioned Rossweid, testify the special names foal (filling)" pasture. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897)
The field names (goods name) from Wolsenand Bickwil have been put together. Many of them have a clear meaning in themselves, others have a less open meaning, and with third it can hardly be explained. The names indicate, for example: a) The shape and size: Rundacker, also Siwellacker, Siwellen, ("siuwell" is intended to mean "round" in Middle High German); Stilts (Spitzacker), six yurts (Juchart). b) The location: Bodenäcker, Kleinbühl, Breite, Breiten, Moos Äcker, Rebäcker, Giebel, Grundweid, Lochweid, Platten, Schürweid (at a barn), Hofmatt. Moos, Förch, Weid, Letten. d) A peculiarity: Kilchäcker (the church) and Frauentaler (obligatory to the monastery), tithing-free (lucky exception), Rossweid, Kalchweid (formerly with oneLime kiln). A number of these proper names can also be found under the hall names of many other places, country up, country down. Differentiating from "pasture according to the nature of its livestock, except for the aforementioned Rossweid, testify the special names foal (filling)" pasture. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897)
814 Church and poor people.
There is the further curiosity that already in a document from the year 831 AD, that is, soon after death of Charlemagne (f 814) the name of our mother parish Ottenbach appears in the words; "locusvocatus Marcha Hottumbacharia "-" the place called "Otten bacher March". Although this name does not yet indicate with certainty the existence of a church and parish of Ottenbach, it does nevertheless indicate the existence of a locality in Ottenbach. It is best translated with "Allmendgenossenschaft Ottenbach". The meaning of the name Ottenbach (written in 1169 Ottonbac, 1255 Hottonbach, 1278 Othenbach) is given by Dr. Meier and Studer alike: "Bach der Hotta oder Otta", or "Bach des Otto" (Alemannic name). The stream flowing down through the village behind the church gave the village its name. (Similar to the name Ötenbach or Odinbach, monastery in Zurich, ie the stream of the Odo, alam. Name.)
In 1234 AD, the church and parish of Ottenbach, which St. Maria and St. Was dedicated to Leodegar, but also St. Catherine, St. Wolfgang and St. Anthony. At the same time, the name of a priest, Mr. Rudolf, appeared in Ottenbach in 1234. This was a plebanus, ie a "people priest", among the people at a village church, in contrast to the monks or monastery spirits who lived in isolation. In 1275 the income of the people priest in Ottenbach was 1 1 Mark Silber (a 300 Fr. ) and some grain, as the aforementioned Mr. Rudolf swore by oath, of which he had to pay a little more than 1 mark of silver as papal tithe taxChurch set to Ottenbach was in 1322 in the hands of the knight Marquard and the canon Johannes v. Gösgen. The Ottenbach church was rebuilt in 1485. Later the church set came to the Benedictine monastery in Lucerne, and only in 1493 to Zurich. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897)
Unfortunately we cannot say when the seven oldest churches in our district were built; there is no documentary information about it. So all we have to do is say when these churches are first mentioned in documents.
1. Knonau, 1045.
2. Hedingen, 1116.
3. Mettmenstetten, also 1116.
4. Stallikon, 1157.
5. Rifferswil, 1179.
6. Affoltern, 1213.
7. Ottenbach, 1234.
8. Also from the old church The construction period of the Kappel monastery is known from documents: 1185 is mentioned as the year of the foundation. Of these eight old churches, three are mother churches, from which four daughter churches separated:
9. Bonstetten separated from Stallikon, 1484.
10. Maschwanden von Mettmenstetten, 1504.
11.Augst von Mettmenstetten, 1667.
12. Obfelden von Ottenbach, 1847. A daughter church is also:
13. Hausen, separated from Baar, 1497. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897)
1415 Taxes
A large part of the area between Lake Zurich and the Reuss, including Ottenbach, effectively became Zurcher Untertanenland (subject country). With the annexation of the county rights in 1415, Zurich's dominion was definitely secured. The construction of Knonau Castle had already begun in 1507/8, so that at that time the formation of the bailiwick (political district) of Knonau must have been certain. From then on, until the end of the 18th century, Ottenbach was part of the Zurcher (Zürich) bailiwick of Knonau. Inhabitants were subject to a bailiwick tax. 1628 the total Vogtsteuereinfte (tax) for Ottenbach amounted to 17 pounds 4 shillings 81⁄2 denarii, divided into 23 partial amounts. One Heinrich Sidler owed 9s. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1429 Reuss River Border
On September 20, 1429, the Reuss River was defined as the border between the Zurcher and Lucerne's sphere of influence; the Ottenbach Giitres on the other side of the Reuss River were also subject to Lucerne's jurisdiction.
From 1454 and 1470, 23 marriages in Ottenbach, which took place on the tax sleds, resulted in two men and 21 women moving into the household of their spouse. Two conclusions can be drawn from this: A newly-married couple was less able to establish a new household, but lived more and more often in the household of the husband's parents. It was not the marriage but the death of the father that enabled a son - usually only the oldest - to take charge of a household.
(Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1517 Hans Klinger Priest, Manslaughter -
In the night from 7 to 8 October 1517, Hans Klinger, chaplain at the Zürich hospital, killed the rope maker Hans Gotz. Klinger and Gotz had already played together in the Schiffleutestube (ship's lodge) on Monday, October 5th. On Wednesday they met again for the game and talked to the wine abundantly. At midnight they were "divided ... about the spit". Klinger stabbed Gotz "with a long sword" and killed him. Thereupon he fled to the monastery hermitages, which granted him church asylum. But before Christmas he returned to Ziirich, where the papal legate granted him absolution. In order to receive this, he had claimed that he had come to an understanding with the family of the deceased. But this was not the case; the relatives of the deceased continued to demand Klingers head. The authorities of Ziirch took Klinger's side, although the Gotz family claimed to have been born in Ziirich; therefore, there was no reason for the council to unilaterally protect Klinger. Throughout the whole year 1518, the matter caused a great stir in Ziirich, until the authorities finally decided to deport the Shiite, who had become a burden to them, to Ottenbach, after the death of the priest Hans Schottli. Thus the heirs of Hans Gotz did not have to tolerate the sight of Klinger in Ziirich any longer, but their efforts to end the feud against the priest with his death could be thwarted by the authorities. Hans Klinger seems to have come from a family that made a name for himself at the Zürcher Ratiiber, otherwise he would not have been sat on for so long. From the time before the manslaughter he is only known to have taken part in the campaign to Marignano as a field preacher. His victim, Hans Gotz, had taken part in a raid on merchants in 1482 and lost an eye during a brawl in 1485. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1519 Ottenbach's Parish Priest
On 26 January 1519, in the morning at 9 o'clock, Hans Klinger's inauguration as Ottenbach parish priest took place in front of Burgermeister Felix Schmid, the Small and the Great Council of the town of Züirich. Ausdriicklich was arrested, Klinger miissedie the Ottenbacher Pfrundgiiter honestly administer; he was liable for this with his whole fortune. Furthermore, he was not allowed to lend his pounds himself. If he gave up the fiefdom, it would fall to the city of Züirich Züriick, the councilor held on to his advice. She was silent about the pastoral duties of the priest."
The only member of the bailiwick Knonau was "Herr Hannes Klinger, from Ottenbach parson". So Klinger seems to have been more reformation-minded than his church people. Klinger appears in the files of the first synod of April 21, 1528 in an ungentle light. The people of Ottenbach reported that Pastor Klinger "beat and abused" his wife. Therefore a doctor was in the parsonage to heal her. In general, Klinger was a drunkard and Schlager, a restless man, was arrested. Klinger was killed in the battle of Kappel on 11 October 1531.
Hans Klinger entered Protestant history books as a martyr of the Reformation because he died at the Battle of Kappel. There's not much to say about him personally. What is known about him puts him in a bad light. Also the relationship between him and his church community seems to have been tense. While he obviously wanted to promote the Reformation, the people of Ottenbach were passive and rather skeptical about it. The vehement accusations which the parish made against him during the synod of 1528 prove the displeasure. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
Population 1534
In 1634, 276 persons lived in Ottenbach in about 70 households. Only about a third to a quarter of them were therefore subject to bailiff's tax. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
Reformation
In the same year 1519 Wolfgang Joner was appointed abbot of the monastery Kappel and Huldrych Zwingli was appointed lieutenant priest at the Great Military Institute in Zürich. In 1521 Zwingli caused the rejection of the soldier's union with France by Zürich. In 1523 the first Zürich Disputation took place at his instigation before the Grand Council. In 1524 the pictures were removed from the churches of the city and the monasteries were abolished. In 1525 Zwingli abolished the mass and celebrated the evangelic communion. Thus the reformation in Zürich had finally become generally accepted.
In June 1526 the Church Council conducted a survey among the rural communities to find out how well the Reformation was accepted. The Ottenbacher's answered that as a border community they were particularly interested in the threat of war. Apart from that they offered the Council support for everything it did in matters of religion and law. Only to the new dress mandate - ten they asked to be allowed to wear their old clothes.
On August 10, 1526, the bailiff of Knonau, Hans Berger, reported to the Lutheran Council on the situation in his area. The parish priests of Hedingen, Knonau, Maschwanden, Mettmenstetten and Ottenbach had come to him to inform him that the population was angry about the removal of the pictures from the churches.
These two cases show that theological questions from the rural population were of secondary importance. It was not understood why the pictures had to leave the church, but the authorities were allowed to keep them if they felt it was important. The people of Ottenbach primarily wanted to have their peace and quiet; they paid the price for this - the reformation of the church - some of them preferred, others less according to the law. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1549 Interest
Interest was the biggest burden of alien taxes on the farmers of Ottenbach. In total, the fruit interest alone was about one and a half times as high as the tithes. On top of that came the interest on money. In contrast to tithes, which - apart from the few fields that were free of tithes - all farmers had to pay the same amount, the interest burden was unequally distributed.
As an example of debt interest, let us take the interest owed to the Zürcher Hospital: in 1549 Peter Gut von Ottenbach had to pay a debt interest of 7 pounds, which from then on was a burden on his inheritance. In return he received a capital of 140 pounds; the interest was the usual 5 percent for the whole of the early modern period. In 1542 Rudolf Gneser sold an interest of 12 pounds to the Bremgarten hospital to raise money. The interest was bought by the Zürcher Hospital in 1574. These two debt interests lasted for two centuries: on 26 April 1800 they were redeemed against repayment of the debt. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1500s Tithes
Tithes were collected on the farms of Ottenbach. It was forbidden to plant vines within the tithes. "Only grains, rye, haves and derglychia fruit were tolerated in the fields, "so the common fragile intellect was able to gryphon (germinate) over its own and others' grains" (which is mowed with a sickle and bound with willow to form sheaves). In contrast, the cultivation of vines was permitted in agertes (worn areas) and on pastures. The vineyards were paid to the area of the Great Tenth. The wine tithe was therefore also divided by a ratio of two to one between the Luzerner Chorherrenstift (Lucerne monastery) and the Ottenbacher Pfrund (Pastor). Even though the distribution of the Ottenbach tithe was regulated in principle, there was no lack of opportunities to argue about it. Especially in times of high tension between parties of different denominations. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1639 Tithe
The municipality of Ottenbach uses its influence with the authorities in Zurich to ensure that the tithe receipt for Lucerne Abbey is no longer awarded "out of country", i.e. to a tenant in Jonen and at an increase there. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1700s Tithes Crisis
Another crisis situation, the famine of the years 1770 to 1774, led to the next tithe dispute. On September 9, 1771, the Zurcher Council took note of a letter from Lucerne in which, among other things, the Great Tenth was demanded in kind instead of money. In view of the extraordinary food shortage in September 1770, Zurich had decided that fruit interest and tithes to foreign gentlemen could temporarily no longer be paid in kind, but only in cash. The Zürcher Council decided to accept the decree of the potato and pear tithes offered by St. Leodegarstift on behalf of the Ottenbach family, but not to accept "the requested payment of the big tithes in kind for this year". The compensation for the tithe would be calculated according to the average fruit price one week before and after the Martini at the Zurcher Kornmarkt. This was only the preliminary planking. On December 24, 1774, the Zurcher Council, in view of the long-standing ten-year dispute between the Sankt Leodegarstift and the parish priest of Ottenbach to draw up an expert opinion.
This was available on 17 June 1775 . In it the tenth division of 1585 confirmed in principle. However, it was not the principle that was disputed, but its practical interpretation. Thus the monastery demanded its regular tithe share also from the vines that were felled within pastures. The experts recommended that the Ottenbach giters (sites) should be dug up and that it should be clearly defined what was due to whom. The costs for the cartographic survey of the Ottenbach Outer were to be borne by the Pound and the Stift (pen) in proportion to the newly established tithe distribution. Both sides declared themselves with the proposal - the Zürcher Council on July 1775 - and has already. From this a detailed survey of Ottenbach was undertaken and published. The tithe plan of the Ottenbach tithes on this side of the Reuss provides a great variety of information: The houses, roads and paths are precisely marked. The exact extent of the village is clearly visible. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1637 Priest Kaspar Muller
Hans Kaspar Muller has printed the two farewell sermons which he gave in Rheineck and in Thal on May 18, 1637. The content of the sermons themselves does not allow an individual characterization of Muller. More revealing is the thanks to the congregation that is attached to the sermon in Thal: What else do I have to say to you, dearest ones? I thank you alien friends for all the love, honor and friendship you have always shown me in so many ways, and I cannot and will not forget what happened to me from you dear ones. God will reward you abundantly. "But he lacked," said Muller.
He moved as quickly as possible to Ottenbach, where his manuscript can be read for the first time on June 25, 1637 in the parish book: " I, Hans Caspar Millier, baptized voting children in Ottenbach . According to Wiesendanger soil Reverend Muller, the priest embezzled the property of the parish and left it to his heirs to pay for the damage. Pastor Muller also came into conflict with the Ottenbach innkeeper when he set up a wine tavern in the vicarage, (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1737 Pastor Rahn and Veronika Gut Adultery
Born in 1664 and ordained in 1688, Hans Konrad Rahn became vicar in Niederweningen in 1690 and parish priest in Wigoltingen TG in 1692. In 1707 he took over the parish office in Ottenbach; in 1737 he was dismissed for adultery at the age of 73. Afterwards he moved to Horgen, where he died in 1744.
Conflicts with moral legislation were nothing unusual in early modern times. The so-called "Blue Register" from 1740 to 1789 contains 89 entries which refer to Ottenbach. 24 of these were dispensation or marital breaches. With a dispensation order, a couple willing to marry and already expecting a child was simultaneously punished and admitted to the marriage bond. On 26. On 26 June 1737, Veronika Gut von Toussen, who was imprisoned for infanticide in the prison tower Wellenberg in Zurich, claimed "When (Pastor Rahn) needed her in the study room for three meals, he put her in the oven, lifted the rocouf, wrapped her around her bare body, kissed her, and inflicted a wound on her body, where she fell to the ground for the first meal, which the seeds fell on, which she herself then moved, and made the whole movement... The other time he did it again and did not kiss him only once, then he grinded the seeds and put them in his shirt. The third time at the bank like two firsts, no seed was noticed when grinding. Then he said... when you come back from the bell factory, I will then be with you once and for all, but then I will give you a stiikli gelt (money).
On June 27, Rahn wrote in a letter that Rahn had confessed due to Anna Wydler's insistent statement that he had "used her quietly in the study room for 2 meals / 15 years ago". Both were sent to court for double adultery. At that time there was no statute of limitations. Anna Wydler as the victim was found guilty of adultery on the same grounds as Pastor Rahn as the perpetrator. This proven double adultery - double because both were married - had the effect that Rahn was stripped of "his pound and his spiritual status" by the Zurcher Council on July 3, 1737. On the same day Johann Baltha sar Zwingli was elected as Rahn's successor.
On July 4, Rahn confessed that he had taken Verena Funk to his study in 1735 "at night in the gol/er und bosen, so that her notebook jumped off". But she had knocked his hands away and fled, and since then she has never come back to the vicarage. Originally he had said that Verena Funk had come to him with open arms, which he had told her "only a little". . . with his hand and that he had blamed her for it". The wife of Sackelmeister Hegetschweiler's son, Anna Gut, he had "already 6 years ago, since she was very pregnant, attacked and palpated 3 or 4 times in one day in his study, but she defended herself and did not want to let anything happen".
Since Rahn's position had been shaken, further accusations followed. On July 6, 1737, Jakob Leutert von Ottenbach accused Rahn before the Zürcher Council of demanding money for all the testimonies he had to issue ex officio. On July 10, the council ruled:-- "It has become apparent from Jacob Leiitert's interrogation that he has committed serious offenses against the old priest Rahn without sufficient reason ... . ...and to pay a high fine for his displeasure with his deposition." Whether Leutert's accusation was justified or not, we do not know; what is certain is that he could not prove it in a legally valid manner.
In a hearing on July 8, 2000, Hans Bar stated that for almost a century the office of schoolmaster in Ottenbach had been held by a member of his family. He was entitled to 13 mother kernels (0.7 tons) and 5 pounds of money per year for this job, and he was also entitled to 2 pounds of salary for night school. These 2 pounds had been withheld from his father and him for 18 years by Pastor Rahn. There is no court decision in this matter, but Bar's claims were at least partially recognized, because in 1737 the Ottenbach church property accounts contain an item of 10 pounds: "The schoolmaster of Ottenbach Nachtschulohn, so he was left behind under Mr. Rahn. From 1738, Bar received 4 pounds a year in compensation for night school.
Until 1736, the church property accounts showed an annual wage of 2 pounds for night school; Rahn openly asked for it and put it in his own pocket. However, Hans Bar knew nothing about this; in the Verhor he said that the priest had refused him the night school wages with the statement, "the churches have otherwise spent a lot".
On July 17th, the verdict of the Council of Churches followed:
1.) Rahn had to pay all court costs and other activities of the lawsuits against him and against Veronika Gut.
2.) He remained imprisoned in Wellenberg until 24 July 1737, where he had been
July 3rd.
3.) He was summoned before the matrimonial court "to request/require/request". This meant that he was given moral sermons, as he himself had given them dozens of times as a pastor.
4.) Life imprisonment was imposed on him. 5.) He was excommunicated for one year.
6.) He had to pay a fine of 1000 Marks Silver (235 pounds).
With this letter dated May 11, 1737, Pastor Hans Konrad Rahn brought disaster on two people, albeit to varying degrees: Veronika Gut was subsequently executed, and he himself was dismissed from office, life and wealth. Rahn wrote consistently with undeserved ink, which at the time was rather uninhabitable due to financial difficulties. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1796 Johannes Weber and school education during the revolutionary period
Johannes Weber served from 1772 on as parish priest in Bubikon, came to the end of 1796 to Ottenbach and died here in 1800 at the age of 54. 1 He is in our end. This is because during the turbulent period from 1795 until his death he kept a school diary, first in Bubikon and from the beginning of 1797 in Ottenbach as a visitor. It provides information about the content and form of school lessons in Ottenbach during the revolutionary years up to 1800.
In the High Middle Ages education was a prerogative of the clergy. With a few exceptions, even the emperor was at best able to place his initials under a document in shaky handwriting. Less high nobility and all peasants could neither read nor write anyway. It was not until the Spit Middle Ages that the aristocratic and bilingual upper classes began to receive an intelligible literary education.
In the High Middle Ages education was a prerogative of the clergy. With a few exceptions, even the emperor was at best able to place his initials under a document in shaky handwriting. Less high nobility and all peasants could neither read nor write anyway. It was not until the Spit Middle Ages that the aristocratic and bilingual upper classes began to receive an intelligible literary education.
As early as 1634, some children of Ottenbach Ober filmed a certain school education, as can be seen from the population registers of that year:79, Of 162 children and unmarried adults, three knew the full catechism. Another 15 could answer between 5 and 86 questions of faith by heart. The only knowledge that a minority of the Ottenbacher children in the first Hiilfte (welcome) of the 17th century, described himself as having memorized the seats of faith. The content could not and did not have to be understood.
The population register also contains a compilation of who was Duty to attend church at Pentecost 1634 and who has not. According to this, two of the 41 18-year-old unmarried Ottenbachers in the 41 tiber (geographical name) were dispensed from church, 23 "obedient" went to church, 16 "disobedient" remained unexcused. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1897 Pastor Weber's school diary
The first entry in Pastor Weber's school diary, dedicated to Ottenbach, reads: "On Wednesday, January 11, 1797, I visited the school of repetition school in Ottenbach in the morning and afternoon, and only silently, without much influence, made my remarks and whined blessings to teachers and learners.
One week later, on January 18 and February 1, Weber visited the repeater school again and gave biblical instruction himself. The Repetierschule was a pre-school of the upper school and its attendance was voluntary. On February 3, Weber visited the Winter School for the first time. He looked through his schoolwork and noted down in particular "Jacob Sidler, Hansen the turner, Heinrich Schnebeli, the model technician, Gritli Schneebeli, ditto, Hans Jacob Stauder von Lunnern, Barbara Gut, Hans Rudis", because they could not do math at all. In 1799, Ottenbach paid to those 12 of the 27 schools in the district of Mettmenstetten where arithmetic was taught. From then on, Pastor Weber regularly visited the Ottenbach Repetier School and the Winter School as a visitor. On February 22, 1797, for example, he "seriously urged several reading lessons and threatened to exclude uninformed people from religious instruction."
(Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1800s Schulhiiuser
(Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1800s Schulhiiuser
Until 1835 the building attached to the barn was used as a schoolhouse, from 1861 until its demolition in 1933 it served as a poorhouse. The school building from 1835 (Figures 22 and 23) cost 11680 francs and was subsidized by the canton of Zurich with 1200 francs according to the council decision of 20 June 1835". It was a building that was quite inconvenient at the time: Of the 13 school buildings subsidized in 1835, only.
Already in 1880 the space available in the school building was no longer sufficient for the needs of the school. A generously designed new building was erected:- "The new school building, situated on a magnificent viewpoint to the east above the village, was built in 1880/81 at a cost of 59000 Swiss francs. An average of 115 pupils in alien classes should be taught there. 3 teachers are involved in the training of the youth, as well as a work teacher for the working school. The old school building is still used for the following purposes: a classroom for the 1st and 2nd grade, a meeting room for associations and cooperatives, a council meeting room and a wedding room, an apartment for the school caretaker etc.". (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
Secondary School
Ottenbach has never filmed (sponsored) tiber's (geographical area) own secondary school. In 1826, senior officer Melchior Hirzel founded the Mettmenstetten District School. The school was transformed into a secondary school on 18 September 1833, covering the entire district of Knonau without the municipalities of Bonstetten, Stallikon and Wettswil. In 1854 Affoltern and Hedingen founded their own secondary school. In 1857, Hausen broke loose. On 23 November 1884 the municipality of Obfelden decided to build its own secondary school, which was inaugurated on 9 May 1886. This meant the opening of the secondary school in Obfelden/ Ottenbach, which at that time paid 27 Schiller. To this day, the Ottenbach upper schools of Schiller still receive their lessons in Obfelden. As a result of the revision of the Elementary School Act of 24 May 1959, a secondary school was added to the secondary school. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1792 Ottenbach School
Ottenbach has never filmed (sponsored) tiber's (geographical area) own secondary school. In 1826, senior officer Melchior Hirzel founded the Mettmenstetten District School. The school was transformed into a secondary school on 18 September 1833, covering the entire district of Knonau without the municipalities of Bonstetten, Stallikon and Wettswil. In 1854 Affoltern and Hedingen founded their own secondary school. In 1857, Hausen broke loose. On 23 November 1884 the municipality of Obfelden decided to build its own secondary school, which was inaugurated on 9 May 1886. This meant the opening of the secondary school in Obfelden/ Ottenbach, which at that time paid 27 Schiller. To this day, the Ottenbach upper schools of Schiller still receive their lessons in Obfelden. As a result of the revision of the Elementary School Act of 24 May 1959, a secondary school was added to the secondary school. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1792 Ottenbach School
Apparently the
schoolmaster at that time, Hofstetter in Lunnern, was not one of these few. On
October 28, 1782, school inspector Meyer wrote to Pastor Locher in Ottenbach
that he had allowed two men from Oberlunnern (Hans and Oswald Stehli) to send
their boys to Ottenbach's, in addition to the repeating school in Lunnern, but
warned them to the schoolmaster In spite of the bad habits attached to him,
Hofstetter did not show any reluctance and did not let his own school, which
had only been urgently stopped about 70 years ago, decline again. Elsewhere,
Pastor Locher writes about the Lunnern school at the time: “This is the most
common one in the Ottenbach parish. The teacher is with themost parents don't
have good credit. He lacks diligence to show what he can from an obvious side.
Writing is under all criticism in this school. If you want to learn it, go to
Ottenbach or Wolsen. The singing school is maintained by coercion and with the
help of some adults from Lunnern. "In 1797 Hofstetter was discharged after
at least 40 years of school service and was provisionally replaced there by
citizen Jakob Meyer for one year. Then Heinrich Gut, also from Unterlunnern It
was clear from the following letter to the college of examiners that it was
suitable for school services: “The school service in Unter-Lunnern has relied
on public ones Announcement *) only the bearer of this letter, Heinrich Gut,
reported, a man who, from the community, as he really deserves it, has the
testimony of a well-behaved, well-made man, but has the level of knowledge of
shoe shops that is in which should have been sufficient in the middle of this
century, but its addition and perfection perhaps from his honest heart and his
not incapable head should be expected. Since he is the only pretender for the
current school service, not just because there is a shortage of capable people
in the local community, but because the capable people do not see any
encouragement to use these talents in the urge of times, I recommend him for
testing and await further decree that finds good, etc. - J. Weber, pastor.
"Hrch. Good was invented as weak in the examination, but was declared
optional due to a lack of candidates. He subsequently procured the Lunnern
school until his death in 1814. Hans Jakob Meyer, who worked on the winter of
1778 in thePerson of his son Heinrich got a helper. The latter had to attend
exams in the rectory in Zurich on November 8th and received approval from the
convention of examiners on November 27th to keep school as a support for his
aging father. A few years later the school was relocated to Wolsen, where, as
we will hear later, it was soon brought up to a relatively good standard. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897 )
1804 Tithes
In 1804, 125 gulden fiir (florins) had to be paid for the lottery ticket for one million kernels in the entire period of rule. According to the tenth lot purchase protocol book 11, the citizens of the civil community of Ottenbach decided to transfer the dry and wet tenth to the St. Leo degarstift (St. Leodegar Monastery ) on Martini in 1804. The dry tithe burdened all types of grain, hay, artificial meadows and potatoes. The wet tithe concerned wine. The civil community jointly and severally owed the entire redemption sum. The distribution of the amount among the Ottenbachers was their own business and was not the responsibility of the Lucerne Monastery.
On January 25, 1805, "it was recognized by the citizens of Ottenbach, who were obliged to pay the loan, that the mortgaged land should be divided into classes. Six men - messenger Jakob Bar, bag-master Melchior Leutert, old bag-maker Heinrich Berli, the two village mayors Heinrich Berli and Johannes Schneebeli as well as innkeeper Jakob Hegetschweiler - were assigned to divide the land into different classes of giitek (sites). The result of this work was unanimously approved by the tithes on 15 February 1805. Afterwards the fields were divided
The titles of each tithe had to be measured first. Ktifer Heinrich Berli, Sackelmeister (cashier) Melchior Leutert and Hans Ulrich Hegetschweiler were entrusted with this task. Afterwards, a commission of one person was set up to calculate the payments of the individual farmers. It was not until 1835 that all the farmers had completely repaid their redemption debt. In 1822, the capitalization of the tithes took place at Martini. Thus, from the second quarter of the 19th century Ottenbach was largely free of tithes. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1552 Tithing Explained
Tenth. “The payment of tithing always requires a parish church as the recipient. The land prescribed for a church had, as far as it was worked on, including the meadows to deliver the tenth part of the gross profit to it. Just as the Church was supposed to be unchangeable, the tithing, according to its original purpose, was not for sale. However, it was not uncommon for tithing-free goods to exist. "(Dr. Strickler.) Spiritual foundations (monasteries) often received their tithing income from a distance. Hofkirche) in Lucerne. How can we have such a relationshipto explain ? Noble gentlemen, who lived closer to the Lucerne Abbey, may have acquired goods from our area by marrying a local noble heiress and then turned to the abbey by exchange or gift. Or also: In Bickwil, a free farmer who was not burdened with tithing advertised his farm estate. A younger brother had entered the Lucerne canons' school. There he was brought up to a fellow monastery. The farm farmer in Bickwil remained childless. Before his death, he prescribed tithe from his property to the monastery in the courtyard in Lucerne. For this purpose, a soul mass was read every year on the day of the testator's death to increase his happiness. When the church in Ottenbach already existed in 1234, it fellher tithing in the community from the country not yet polluted. A distinction was made between big and small tithing. The latter concerned the grain, the winter crop in the field, this the hay in the meadow, summer crops, fruit, root crops, also hemp and flax from fields and punctures. In contrast to the aforementioned dry one, the wine tenth was also called the wet one. The Lucerne Abbey did not have its own tithe barn as a collection point in Ottenbach; therefore it had to be tithing in money Respectively. Every year before the harvest - the reference to an open increase was leased to a recipient. He paid the pen he had offered to the pen and collected the tithing for his own account. The pastor in Ottenbach received his share in kind; The barn and basement were at his disposal. The fact that tithing was subject to many difficulties proves a lot of decency that was noted in old writings.
When the church in Ottenbach already existed in 1234, it fell to tithing in the municipality from the country that had not yet been contaminated. A distinction was made between big and small tithing. The latter concerned the grain, the winter crop in the field, this the hay in the meadow, summer crops, fruit, root crops, also hemp and flax from fields and punctures. In contrast to the aforementioned dry one, the wine tenth was also called the wet one. The Lucerne Abbey did not have its own tithe barn as a collection point in Ottenbach; therefore it had to be tithing in money Respectively. Every year before the harvest - the reference to an open increase was leased to a recipient. He paid the pen he had offered to the pen and collected the tithing for his own account. The pastor in Ottenbach received his share in kind; The barn and basement were at his disposal. The fact that tithing was subject to many difficulties proves a lot of decency that was noted in old writings. Bickwil.
1552. The Lucerne Abbey complains in Zurich about outstanding tithing in Ottenbach.
1639. The municipality of Ottenbach used the authority in Zurich to withdraw tithing for the Lucerne Abbey
1642. Lucerne demands a summons to amicable or judicial hearing from Zurich because of tithing chips (dispute) to Ottenbach. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897 )
1700. In Muri Monastery, counseling takes place between Lucerne and Zurich MPs about tithing from Ottenbach.
1712. For the sake of the war, the following is determined: The tithe, who belongs to the church there on Merisch wander Boden from Otten bacher goods, is readily available; Lucerne again receives a travel certificate for moving the tenth to Ottenbach.
1769. (Dr. Strickler.) If tithing fields were converted into meadows, it was no longer the small or the hayned that had to be done, but the previous large, namely a quarter of the seeds, the Juchart; In 1769, however, the creation of such meadows was formally prohibited. To encourage the planting of potatoes, however from 1750 for each household per Vs Juchart arable land, provided that it was ordered with potatoes, tithing-free.
1770. (Ludwig Meier von Knonau.) From 1770-1780, the estate value of 140 to 160 (on average 150 guilders = 700 Fr.) capital values were posted on inheritance or sales of Mütt. Raffle buying was set considerably lower in the 1830s.
1761 - 1774. The authorities of Zug, on the one hand, and the church of St. Wolfgang in relation to Pastor Hamberger in Ottenbach, quarreled over tithing to Wolsen and Bickwil. In this case there was a brand adjustment. Zurich paid the costs, Zug thanked for the friendly neighborly settlement.
1775 - 1777. The bailiff(Administrator) in Kappel has been commissioned by the authorities in Zurich to win a settlement in the tenth dispute between the Lucerne Abbey and the priest at Ottenbach, which leads to the clearing of the stamps, especially to the more precise delimitation of the pastures. From now on, the Lucerne Abbey will receive two thirds, the parish of Ottenbach a third of the tenth. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897)
Social Consequences of the Tithing
This freedom from tithing had significant social consequences. Many people in Ottenbach were not able to pay the fixed amount. So under the January 22nd 1820 it was recorded: "The tithing commission in Ottenbach has gathered several citizens of Ottenbach who are liable to tithing in the community hall and indicated to them that many tithing payments are still to be paid, where they have always done everything possible up to now, that they are still being paid, partly by driving rights, partly by many admonitions. What about these things are to be expected?
It was decided that:
1. that the remaining balances are to be insured,
It was decided that:
1. that the remaining balances are to be insured,
2. if a borrower who is still owed residual amounts cannot issue bonds or insurance, he/she shall be required by law to pay the installment owed.
The Ottenbacher Zehntablosung (tithing) was accompanied by an exceptionally hard phase due to the climate. In the years 1812 to 1816 a cold and humid autumn followed an "ice age summer"; in 1816/17 the snow cover above 1800 to 2300 meters above sea level did not melt during the summer. The bad weather conditions filtrated to low yields and thus to hunger. In addition, in 1819 thunderstorms caused damage, which is not only attested in the tenth protocol. The coincidence of the tenth and the hunger period accelerated the impoverishment of the lower and middle class in Ottenbach. The richer farmers - although they too suffered from the redemption payments - were able to obtain driving and grazing rights, which impoverished Ottenbachers had to cede as compensation for their payments. In addition, all parcels of land served as real estate liens until the full payment of the redemption sum and could thus be seized.
Ottenbach had already paid an extraordinary number of poor people before the tithe draw: in 1799, 154 Ottenbachers were unemployed, which resulted in an average of an unemployed person on almost every household. Or, to put it differently, around one in three of Ottenbach's employable people was without work at the time. The less densely populated and still more agriculturally oriented Obfelder Weiler had far fewer unemployed at the same time . The unemployed were often only able to keep their heads above water thanks to a small stick of land. On the occasion of the tithe deduction, this could also still be impounded. On February 10, 1832, the meeting of the Ottenbach Tithing Liabilities decided "regarding the pledged tithing and payment remainders, that the debtors should pay the third part in a period of 3 weeks and if it was not given, the tithing should be sold".
In individual cases, however, the people of Ottenbach were prepared to support small amounts of completely impoverished families together. Otherwise these people, who were living below the subsistence level anyway, would have been deprived of the last possibility to make at least a part of their own living. They had to be saved from starvation at the expense of the poor.
So the meeting of the civil community of Ottenbach decided on October 10th, 1807, that the heirs of Rudolf Bar would be given the small redemption sum "because of poverty". Also the heirs of Jakob Haberling in the Lanzen were on January 27, 1830, "for the sake of very poor people", the tenth debt was readmitted, "so that they do not have to pay for their homes. The village community had to bear the costs of such gifts. The tithe lords insisted on a complete payment of the ransom money.
So the meeting of the civil community of Ottenbach decided on October 10th, 1807, that the heirs of Rudolf Bar would be given the small redemption sum "because of poverty". Also the heirs of Jakob Haberling in the Lanzen were on January 27, 1830, "for the sake of very poor people", the tenth debt was readmitted, "so that they do not have to pay for their homes. The village community had to bear the costs of such gifts. The tithe lords insisted on a complete payment of the ransom money.
How acute the problem was, left too many people no longer possessed enough land for self-sufficiency in order to secure their food supply, is shown in the protocol of the shutdown from the crisis year 1816: In the parish of Ottenbach, with a total population of 1630 inhabitants, 224 households with 774 members were described as poor, because they could not even grow enough for their own families and the money for food purchases was missing. In another 172 households with 560 members, it was acknowledged that they had no land at all or in any case too little for minimal self-sufficiency. With the ibrigen (other) poor the standstill meant, they could get more out of their country with appropriate efforts.
Ottenbach, where 54 per cent of the parish's inhabitants had only 40 per cent of the land to be stabilized, was more affected by this mass poverty than the diner-populated Obfeld hamlets. Around 1816 at least the help of the Ottenbach families was underdeveloped. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
Pastor Hans Jakob Locher
Founder: Hans Jakob Locher (1761-1834), pastor of Ottenbach, married to Anna Katharina Pfenninger.
1785 Pastor Hans Jakob Locher and the poorhouse
In 1761 Hans Jakob Locher was born as the son of the then Oetwiler and later Mettmenstetter priest Dietrich Locher (1730-82). After his ordination in 1785 he became a tutor in Uitikon Castle, where he was appointed as a pastor in 1790. In 1791 he moved to Oronenbach in Allgau. Here he witnessed the last phase of the First Coalition War in 1796. In 1800, against the resistance of the parish, he was appointed to the Ottenbach parish office as successor to Johannes Weber. He died here in 1834. After his funeral, Nacht boys dug up the coffin and leaned it against the house door of his survivors. The desecration of the grave indicates that Pastor Locher, under his direction the first Ottenbach poorhouse was built, while the extinction of the office of teacher did not become popular in Ottenbach. In 1796 he had "Sermons for children attending rural schools" published in print, followed by two more sermon volumes in 1797 and 1808.
1836 Changes in Occupations
Ottenbach, where 54 per cent of the parish's inhabitants had only 40 per cent of the land to be stabilized, was more affected by this mass poverty than the diner-populated Obfeld hamlets. Around 1816 at least the help of the Ottenbach families was underdeveloped. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
Pastor Hans Jakob Locher
Founder: Hans Jakob Locher (1761-1834), pastor of Ottenbach, married to Anna Katharina Pfenninger.
1785 Pastor Hans Jakob Locher and the poorhouse
In 1761 Hans Jakob Locher was born as the son of the then Oetwiler and later Mettmenstetter priest Dietrich Locher (1730-82). After his ordination in 1785 he became a tutor in Uitikon Castle, where he was appointed as a pastor in 1790. In 1791 he moved to Oronenbach in Allgau. Here he witnessed the last phase of the First Coalition War in 1796. In 1800, against the resistance of the parish, he was appointed to the Ottenbach parish office as successor to Johannes Weber. He died here in 1834. After his funeral, Nacht boys dug up the coffin and leaned it against the house door of his survivors. The desecration of the grave indicates that Pastor Locher, under his direction the first Ottenbach poorhouse was built, while the extinction of the office of teacher did not become popular in Ottenbach. In 1796 he had "Sermons for children attending rural schools" published in print, followed by two more sermon volumes in 1797 and 1808.
Hirzel, he had taken on the construction of a poorhouse - albeit "only by way of employment". -- Locher's misgivings therefore ranted that some warned of the high costs of a poorhouse; "others let so much be seen through in their descriptions that I considered it cheap to surrender myself to the degradation of the sub-human race. "The church community, "which had up to now always separated and argued with the intention to separate the poor in abrupt par there in", had actively contributed to the building of the poorhouse with compulsory labour, money and donations in kind. Despite initial difficulties in the search for a property manager, it was possible to conclude that "a childless couple in their prime, both kind and gentle" can be found. Previously, both had worked at home as weavers.
Father Locher described the poorhouse regulations as "not very inviting". Before a person was admitted to the poorhouse, their heirs were asked whether they wanted to pay an expense allowance or renounce their inheritance. If an inmate had a fortune, fine! this was transferred to the poorhouse after his death, if he had not paid any cost money. Only those who had paid the full cost of their stay were allowed to leave. As a rule, married couples were not admitted together, "because the sexes have separate sleeping places". The food was meatless, "but healthily cooked and reliable use ... broth is not Superfluous". The rest camps consisted of straw sacks, feather blankets and pillows, linens and duvets. The dormitories were not located above the heated living rooms. In order to leave the house, the "house children" asked the permission of the administrator.
There were not many inmates: "In the beginning there was a strong decline in the number of the poor users against the poorhouse. An 80 year old man and 2 over 40 years old unmarried women were the first to be taken care of. Then, necessity, especially the cold winter, forced a mother with three children into the house, and four other uneducated siblings, whose father had died and the mother had forgotten the children, were also given to the caretaker. The household soon liked their new home, and the different ages soon took care of each other. The regular costs, the warm room, the beds with clean clothes and linen, it was more and better than they had had before.
The poorhouse finances were not in good shape. Although all inmates worked hard. A boy and a girl, both younger than 13, shared a loom: "The girls immediately produced the first cotton fabric, the so-called reverent, so well that it tore off a lot of the fabric on the tomorrow in summer, as day broke, the boy made himself unawakened and unheated out of bed and sat out of the loom." "All inmates mistreated to do their best, Locher continues, in homework and agriculture. In school, the children of the poorhouse distinguished themselves through pledges and achievements. The administrator couple also received praise. Nevertheless, the poorhouse did not have enough money to finance itself, even though the earnings of the inmates and contributions from relatives, the Zürcher Alms Office and the community of Ottenbach were called upon. This brought Father Locher to his main concern: "Nevertheless, the poor house finds its guarantee in the interest of all parties. But it could be extended much further and become much more beneficial if we were able to unload the interest. "More comfort for the occupants is undesirable: "Food, comfort and clothing are just what people need, and an improvement could easily aggravate the spirit of the household. The need to be prepared for all kinds of crises seems to be very good for morale. "But the interest burden is so great that it is not possible, for example, to buy a few cows: "What a great help this has been for the household!
Father Locher described the poorhouse regulations as "not very inviting". Before a person was admitted to the poorhouse, their heirs were asked whether they wanted to pay an expense allowance or renounce their inheritance. If an inmate had a fortune, fine! this was transferred to the poorhouse after his death, if he had not paid any cost money. Only those who had paid the full cost of their stay were allowed to leave. As a rule, married couples were not admitted together, "because the sexes have separate sleeping places". The food was meatless, "but healthily cooked and reliable use ... broth is not Superfluous". The rest camps consisted of straw sacks, feather blankets and pillows, linens and duvets. The dormitories were not located above the heated living rooms. In order to leave the house, the "house children" asked the permission of the administrator.
There were not many inmates: "In the beginning there was a strong decline in the number of the poor users against the poorhouse. An 80 year old man and 2 over 40 years old unmarried women were the first to be taken care of. Then, necessity, especially the cold winter, forced a mother with three children into the house, and four other uneducated siblings, whose father had died and the mother had forgotten the children, were also given to the caretaker. The household soon liked their new home, and the different ages soon took care of each other. The regular costs, the warm room, the beds with clean clothes and linen, it was more and better than they had had before.
The poorhouse finances were not in good shape. Although all inmates worked hard. A boy and a girl, both younger than 13, shared a loom: "The girls immediately produced the first cotton fabric, the so-called reverent, so well that it tore off a lot of the fabric on the tomorrow in summer, as day broke, the boy made himself unawakened and unheated out of bed and sat out of the loom." "All inmates mistreated to do their best, Locher continues, in homework and agriculture. In school, the children of the poorhouse distinguished themselves through pledges and achievements. The administrator couple also received praise. Nevertheless, the poorhouse did not have enough money to finance itself, even though the earnings of the inmates and contributions from relatives, the Zürcher Alms Office and the community of Ottenbach were called upon. This brought Father Locher to his main concern: "Nevertheless, the poor house finds its guarantee in the interest of all parties. But it could be extended much further and become much more beneficial if we were able to unload the interest. "More comfort for the occupants is undesirable: "Food, comfort and clothing are just what people need, and an improvement could easily aggravate the spirit of the household. The need to be prepared for all kinds of crises seems to be very good for morale. "But the interest burden is so great that it is not possible, for example, to buy a few cows: "What a great help this has been for the household!
Pastor Locher concluded his report: "Much/possibly, however, unexpected help comes from the leadership of divine providence. If the help could consider the institute a success in its establishment and execution, and occasionally recommend it to the philanthropic participation, then perhaps many happy weeks would follow.
The hoped-for help did not come. On the contrary, the death of Hans Jakob Locher meant the end of the poorhouse. After the poorhouse had ended in 1834 with a setback of over 225 gulden, the poorhouse was liquidated in 1835.
On February 18, 1833, shortly before the death of Pastor Locher, the Church Council dealt with a petition of January 27 of the same year, "whereby 348 citizens of the parish of Ottenbach, signed by name, with the request and the need that a reprimand be given to this cleric, with nine cage points against the local pastor and Locher Locher of Chamber,". Although the request was rejected, the incident, together with the resistance of the congregation against Locher's election and the desecration of his grave, shows that the Ottenbachers used the new freedoms after the end of the Old Order to make life difficult for a presumably rather shy pastor who deprived the waiter of much idealism and little assertiveness. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
Pastor Locher: "The feeling of compassion must arise involuntarily when one sees many people in need or danger. But pity is not of the right kind if one does nothing for them. Often one is happy to think: what do I want to do about all the wishes I have to help them? The obelisk is too big, it surpasses my own needs: if I already give what I have and do what I can, that is not good enough. The truly compassionate man does not think so. Though he knows that his crises are small, he uses them nevertheless; he does what he can and does nothing to urge others to help him; he likes to unite with others to make the situation more effective. Jesus . . . wanted to bring the lunger to the point that they should really offer what little they had. Locher did not think outside the existing structures of rule: "The rich man was encouraged to attack (give) himself by the broad-mindedness of the poor man, who so joyfully puts his little skier into it; he considered that God had made him, as it were, the representative of his fellow men ... "For Pastor Locher it was the duty of the wealthy, spared from the traps of misfortune, to help the unlucky. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, October 1897)
On February 18, 1833, shortly before the death of Pastor Locher, the Church Council dealt with a petition of January 27 of the same year, "whereby 348 citizens of the parish of Ottenbach, signed by name, with the request and the need that a reprimand be given to this cleric, with nine cage points against the local pastor and Locher Locher of Chamber,". Although the request was rejected, the incident, together with the resistance of the congregation against Locher's election and the desecration of his grave, shows that the Ottenbachers used the new freedoms after the end of the Old Order to make life difficult for a presumably rather shy pastor who deprived the waiter of much idealism and little assertiveness. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
Pastor Locher: "The feeling of compassion must arise involuntarily when one sees many people in need or danger. But pity is not of the right kind if one does nothing for them. Often one is happy to think: what do I want to do about all the wishes I have to help them? The obelisk is too big, it surpasses my own needs: if I already give what I have and do what I can, that is not good enough. The truly compassionate man does not think so. Though he knows that his crises are small, he uses them nevertheless; he does what he can and does nothing to urge others to help him; he likes to unite with others to make the situation more effective. Jesus . . . wanted to bring the lunger to the point that they should really offer what little they had. Locher did not think outside the existing structures of rule: "The rich man was encouraged to attack (give) himself by the broad-mindedness of the poor man, who so joyfully puts his little skier into it; he considered that God had made him, as it were, the representative of his fellow men ... "For Pastor Locher it was the duty of the wealthy, spared from the traps of misfortune, to help the unlucky. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, October 1897)
1836 Changes in Occupations
In the report "About the popular payment of 1836", the occupational structure in Ottenbach, which at that time had 130 inhabitants, was described as follows: "Agriculture predominates; the number of weavers and weavers' wives is large, as is the number of craftsmen in Ottenbach, which is also significant for the number of handicraftsmen and women.
The data of 1850, when Ottenbach I had 169 inhabitants and thus between 500 and 600 persons capable of gainful employment, included 338 male and 12 female gainfully employed persons: 1 pastor, 2 teachers, 1 female teacher, 1 doctor. 217 silk weavers, 4 silk winders, 10 cotton weavers, 15 servants. 1 seamstress, 7 spinners, 2 washerwomen, 1 cobbler. 12 cobblers, 9 carpenters, 7 bricklayers and 7 wainwrights as well as various other craftsmen, including I bookbinders, painters, rope makers and clockmakers - the total number of craftsmen was 71, 2 commercial travelers, 6 hucksters, 1 basket maker, 1 mouse fan, 1 roofer, 1 driver, 4 carters and I dairyman were also employed.
The main occupation was the operation of industrial trades. The fragmentation of the farms had progressed so far that although many households still ran a little farming, thanks to which they could at least live through times of unemployment, not a single full-time farmer was found. This may, of course, be strongly related to the methodology of the survey. For some of them, the occupation indicated may have meant only secondary employment. At least one sideline activity was spent by almost every farmer at that time.
The main occupation was the operation of industrial trades. The fragmentation of the farms had progressed so far that although many households still ran a little farming, thanks to which they could at least live through times of unemployment, not a single full-time farmer was found. This may, of course, be strongly related to the methodology of the survey. For some of them, the occupation indicated may have meant only secondary employment. At least one sideline activity was spent by almost every farmer at that time.
If there was enough space, households were often shared between siblings or between parents and married children. If this was no longer possible, the size of the individual households increased. In the 16 years from 1454 to 1470, the population grew by more than half.
In Ottenbach, for example, only 287 of the 430 registered employees work as spinners throughout the year. They supplemented their income from agriculture by working from home in winter.
Since the end of the 18th century, the textile industry had expanded as a home industry. Putting-out system in Ottenbach: In 1784, the cotton spinning mill employed 49% of the local population (430 people, 287 of whom worked all year round). At the beginning of the 19th century there were around 350 weaving looms and the Zurich Mechanical Silk Weaving Mill employed more than 200 people in Ottenbach from the village and the surrounding area.
With the increase in population in the 17th and 18th centuries, the cottage industry spread in our area in general. Ottenbach was strongly affected by this. The extent to which the population became dependent on cottage industry in the course of the 18th century was shown in the crisis following the French invasion of 1798/99, when Ottenbach had many unemployed people (Table 6). But it was not only the completely unemployed who were in an unenviable situation. Many half farmers also lacked a substantial part of their earnings, as the Stallic priest reported in 1799: " ... until now, no one is completely without earnings; but from ... in al/em 336 workers, it can be said that many are often without work, that none of them is able to earn the rest or to earn their livelihood, that the most skilled and diligent worker earns only 26 s, but most of them do not earn 20 s per week. In Ottenbach, the situation was similar for a large part of the not fully unemployed.
Table 6 Unemployed in the parish of Ottenbach 1799
Households inhabitant unemployed
In the 19th century, the proportion of those who cultivated a small field on the side continued to decline. More and more people from Ottenbach lived completely without income from agricultural activities. A compilation of Ottenbach's commercial enterprises from 1868 clearly shows the coexistence of agriculture and textile industry:
Berti, Jakob, Mooegewer and Biickerei. Funk, David, in Rickenbach, cake and pastry
Hegetschweier, Hans Jakob, goat-distillery.
Hegetschweiler-Lutert, Heinrich, Spezerei, cloth and weaving
Kleinert, Johann Jakob, cloth goods shop.
Kleinert, Johann Jakob, cloth goods shop.
Sidler-Funk, Heinrich, cloth and spice shop.
(Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1726 Reuss
1784 Textile Industry(Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1726 Reuss
On December 4, 1726, the Ottenbach priest Hans Konrad Rahn Land informed Johann Heinrich Fries von Knonau that "my wife Ottenbach had a heartfelt and ardent desire to build a bridge over the Reuss River, as which not only became necessary and useful to her, but which was also of no use to anyone at night and was Jewish to me. Driving is very dangerous, he said. People have been killed in accidents all the time. A new one had to be built every year, which required expensive imported wood. The Giiters on the other side of the Reuss are always being attacked by the "cheeky neighbors", "ill-treated, defiled and robbed" because the people of Ottenbach could not quickly get there by waiter a Briicke. Finally, Rahn understood that a bridge would enable them to cultivate the good land, which was not suitable for meadows, instead of using it as pasture. The people of Ottenbach are prepared to use the Briicke only for the egg.
It was not until October 1, 1845, that the community of Ottenbach again submitted a request to the government council "to build a bridge over the Reuss River in the place of that year". The request was based on the fact that the "approx. 400 whopping, mostly in rough meadows and scattered existing land, which until then had yielded a highly insignificant benefit", could only be built after the construction of a bridge. "obediently tilled and worked".
The cost of the bridge, inaugurated on 28 August 1864, was 95817 francs instead of the previous 82000 francs, because the people of Ottenbach preferred a more expensive metal construction to the planned wooden one. The canton of Aargau contributed 41,000, Zurich 25,000, voluntary donations of 7630 arrived, leaving Ottenbach with 22,1877 francs. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
The cost of the bridge, inaugurated on 28 August 1864, was 95817 francs instead of the previous 82000 francs, because the people of Ottenbach preferred a more expensive metal construction to the planned wooden one. The canton of Aargau contributed 41,000, Zurich 25,000, voluntary donations of 7630 arrived, leaving Ottenbach with 22,1877 francs. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
In Ottenbach, for example, only 287 of the 430 registered employees work as spinners throughout the year. They supplemented their income from agriculture by working from home in winter.
Since the end of the 18th century, the textile industry had expanded as a home industry. Putting-out system in Ottenbach: In 1784, the cotton spinning mill employed 49% of the local population (430 people, 287 of whom worked all year round). At the beginning of the 19th century there were around 350 weaving looms and the Zurich Mechanical Silk Weaving Mill employed more than 200 people in Ottenbach from the village and the surrounding area.
With the increase in population in the 17th and 18th centuries, the cottage industry spread in our area in general. Ottenbach was strongly affected by this. The extent to which the population became dependent on cottage industry in the course of the 18th century was shown in the crisis following the French invasion of 1798/99, when Ottenbach had many unemployed people (Table 6). But it was not only the completely unemployed who were in an unenviable situation. Many half farmers also lacked a substantial part of their earnings, as the Stallic priest reported in 1799: " ... until now, no one is completely without earnings; but from ... in al/em 336 workers, it can be said that many are often without work, that none of them is able to earn the rest or to earn their livelihood, that the most skilled and diligent worker earns only 26 s, but most of them do not earn 20 s per week. In Ottenbach, the situation was similar for a large part of the not fully unemployed.
Table 6 Unemployed in the parish of Ottenbach 1799
Households inhabitant unemployed
167 865 154
18th Century Population
Since on the one hand the village district and on the other hand the extent of the arable land, wheat, vineyards and woods could not be changed significantly, the quadrupling of the Ottenbach population from the middle of the 15th to the middle of the 16th century meant both a quadrupling of the living space and a quadrupling of the average food per inhabitant. At the turn of the Middle Ages and the early modern era, this reduction of living space took place so rapidly that it was immediately perishable. Since the end of this phase, the people of Ottenbach have made a strong effort to prevent emigrants from moving into the civil community. This tendency continued into the 19th century. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
A wool theft.
In 1711 a trial for wool theft took place in Ottenbach, which gives various hints on the situation of the homeworkers in the early 18th century. The 60-year-old Helena Riggert von Gersau was caught on 21 March 1711 in Knonau with ten pounds of wool "and a little syden" and arrested "for dangerously woolen and silk tolerant". She had "become orphaned in her youth". Her husband was no longer alive. Two of her children had reached adulthood, but she did not know "where her two children might be currently". She herself moved throughout the German-speaking world! of Europe, "like the poor people clever thugs". Throughout her life she had lived on begging.
About four years ago a woman in Ottenbach asked her if she could use money. She answered that she had "vii vonnothen". The woman then told her to go to a "poor husli". There she had sold her six pounds of wool, the pound for 8 lbs. In Zug and Baar she, Helena Riggert, had sold the wool for 10 lbs. At the shop in the "Husli" in Ottenbach was attended by a second woman, who later sold her wool and silk for the same pound price, with which she was then caught by the bailiff. Helena Riggert was obviously punished by being bred and sentenced to life imprisonment.
The trial records show that the two women in the "husli" were only intermediaries. They bought wool from Ottenbach wool spinners in small quantities, which they had stolen from the raw wool supplied by their client and processed on their own account. According to the bailiff of Knonau, this was "to the greatest detriment of the masters fabricants". The spinners received four shillings (1.6 lbs.) per quarter of a pound of stolen wool. The middlemen beat a quarter on top of that and Helena Riggert as a saleswoman charged a margin of another quarter.
The profits of these women varied, but were in any case very small. Helena Riggert, who took the biggest risk from alien participants, for which she earned the most for every pound sold, explained that it was "done out of dead poverty and (she) felt sorry for hunt". There is no reason to doubt this statement. If she was not caught by the bailiff on 21 March 1711 where in the course of four years, she had just earned four pounds of the 16 pounds of wool in question. Since she was caught, she lost a total of 8½ pounds, was obviously humiliated in Zürich, and was given a life-long expulsion. Hardly anyone who had enough to eat took such a risk. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1566 Wood
"If one looks at the stock of community goods, it becomes clear that the
Municipal property usually consisted mainly of land. The common woods were the main asset of many municipalities and therefore they were the centre of the municipal administration. As wood was used in many ways as a building material and fuel, as well as a raw material for handicraft products, the demand was very high. The use of wood was mostly common and has been subject to certain descriptions at least since the 15th century.
In 1566, the Zurcher council granted the coveted collection increase, combined with a wooden order. This included the following commandments and prohibitions:
1.) Whoever illegally fell an oak tree had to pay a 3 pound fine, who
a pine, fir, ash, beech or cherry tree fell, 1 1⁄2 pounds. The wood he had to either "liggen lassen" (litigate) or pay the civil community "according to billigkeyt" (pay even cheaply).
2.) Whoever fell a young oak, ash, hazel, cherry or other timber in a fenced young forest had to pay a fine of 1 pound and either "liggen lassen" the illegally felled wood or buy it from the civil community.
3.) Whoever needed wood for the construction of a fence had to report this to the four sworn village masters. These showed him which wood he was allowed to cut for it. Holly, hawthorn and blackthorn were called "zunholz" by name.
4.) For the construction of "all sorts of construction equipment", i.e. for carts, pushcarts, ploughs, harrows and other devices, every citizen of the community was allowed to cut wood for his own use, "where he finds it most convenient". But it was forbidden to sell any of it.
5.) The firewood was distributed by the village masters. Each burger received a share according to the size of his household.
6.) The village mayors were personally responsible for the observance of this order. Since half of all fines went to the authorities, the bailiff was responsible for them, let them also be collected. A lenient village mayor had to expect a fine of 5 pounds.
Until the end of the early modern period, one could neither cook nor
The articles on the use of wood point to a social aspect in the use of the community property: Each household had its own demand for wood. A large farmer with his own house and such! A large farmer with his own house and a lot of land - a part of which he was allowed to fence in all year round - and one or more teams of oxen received a multiple of lassen (let) wood, which a day laborer without his own land, without animals and only with a house cart could claim. The owners of justice were therefore not all equal. Also in this respect the full farmers were privileged. Such advantages of the rich peasants over the rest of the village population weighed far less than the differences concerning private land ownership.
By the way, the composition of the forest is determined by the timber regulations. The oak was the most precious tree. Scots pine, silver fir, ash, beech and heat. Also for the field work one was dependent on wood. The building of houses is not mentioned in the wood regulations. Large quantities of wood were also needed for this. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1836 Government
The task of the community was, besides half the salary of the watchman, the compensation of the road attendant and the maintenance of the road, the entire fire fighting. It had to purchase and maintain all fire extinguishing equipment and build the "fire stations and water thresholds" to be built.
1836 Government
The task of the community was, besides half the salary of the watchman, the compensation of the road attendant and the maintenance of the road, the entire fire fighting. It had to purchase and maintain all fire extinguishing equipment and build the "fire stations and water thresholds" to be built.
The municipality was not obliged to grant anyone the right to move in. The term "foreigner rouch" (fireplace, stove) makes it clear that this article did not refer to those who moved out of their father's household individually - as servants, journeymen, soldiers or maids - in order to earn a living elsewhere until the death of their father. When there was room for them at home, they could return home and, ideally, inherit a just portion. This meant rather entire households with their own village justice, which settled elsewhere. Where the head of the family lived was the legal seat of the whole family, including those members who were elsewhere. In the population registers, these were always referred to as "absentees".
When a family sold their house and the justice of their "own benefit and good or similar causes", they lost their rights in Ottenbach. When she returned, she had to pay for her move in - like every accuser - and acquire house and justice again. Ausdriicklich was recorded that the sale of property to strangers was a burden to "a community Ottenbach farm".
In 1836 16 voile and four half of the fees were listed. Then in 1836 a collection fee of 15 gulden was paid. The ordinary petty cash amounted to 4 shillings, which brought in 4 shillings of petty cash 20 gulden. The highest revenue item was 273 gulden and 30 shillings of an extraordinary tax. Altogether the civil community of Ottenbach collected a good 350 Guldens in 1835 and 1836.
The highest item of expenditure of the civil community was the contribution to the schoolmasters' salary of 68 gulden. The village guard received a total of 40 Guldens for 1835 and 1836, the farmhand 25 Guldens for 1836. 43 Guldens interest had to be paid and a loss carried forward of 74 Guldens had to be compensated. Finally, all expenses for the fire brigade were also the responsibility of the civil community. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1485 Ottenbach Church
The oldest reliable source concerning the construction of the church Ottenbach dates back to 1485.The Ztircher alderman knight Heinrich Escher settled a dispute between "the (people) of Ottenbach" and "master Cristan Brabander, the murer, (brick mason) citizen of Zurich", by mutual agreement of the parties ("well vertadinget (miscellaneous)". Brabander was supposed to build two chambers for 10 gulden each in the church tower. He was entitled to the first 5 florins "if he first fanned the pot", and the next if he had "mended it". Furthermore, he was to build vaults in the tower and the church choir, one for 8 gulden each, the other for 16 gulden. As a guarantee that he would carry out all the work properly, the bricklayer was liable with his own fortune and that of his wife.
According to the contract, the extension of the Ottenbach church was started in 1485. Apparently a choir and a new church tower were built. Further masonry work seems not to have been done. The nave must therefore be of an older date.
The art-historical description of the Ottenbach church of Fietz is reproduced here in extracts in the wording, since the volume is today leider (book) out of print:'.
"Besides.
1700s Church Description
Contrary to the recommendation of the bailiff in charge of the new Kappel, Johannes Waser, the Zürcher council decided on March I. 1638, first of all the building materials should be transported to Ottenbach and only in 1639 the existing, dilapidated parsonage should be demolished. In this way, the time, when the parish family had to be accommodated in a provisional arrangement, should be kept as short as possible. Bailiff Waser had requested to start with the demolition immediately. The council decision shows that the new parsonage was built on the site of the old one.
December 1637 forest workers and carters began to fall trees in various whales of the Kappel office and transported them to Ottenbach. Between January 20 and 23, 1638, master carpenter Hans Hagi and many other carpenters had to cut up the 136 fir trees that had fallen until then. Afterwards it was possible to fell a donated oak tree from Knonau, to process it and bring it to Ottenbach. On June 8 and 9, a first load of lime was transported from the Kappel brickworks to Ottenbach. Wood was still processed in summer. 47 tons of heavy timber were transported from Kappel to Ottenbach in the second half of August.
Afterwards, construction of the foundation could begin. At the same time, a stonemason from Zug was commissioned to produce stone frames, and apparently 8000 roof shingles were ordered in the Lucerne area. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
Afterwards, construction of the foundation could begin. At the same time, a stonemason from Zug was commissioned to produce stone frames, and apparently 8000 roof shingles were ordered in the Lucerne area. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
1700s Church Description
The church is essentially preserved in its original form and stands a little to the east above the village in the walled cemetery first united. The choir is polygonally closed and is divided at the corners by three stepped buttresses trimmed. The original form of the covering of the screeches can no longer be determined. The plastered wall tiles are structured by a socket with a simple slope, a coffee cornice under the windowsills and the slightly protruding, grooved roof cornices. On the side of the choir there is a wide, three-part ogival window with an idiosyncratically formed tracery.
The nave, a plastered building without pedestal and main cornice, was probably first built in 1748 and then, in 1830, it was reduced a second time by an extension for the stairs to the gallery. The two-part ogival windows (two on the north side and three on the south side) have simple tracery. Against the third oval window of the side front, there is a simple, high arched window in the north wall. The two round windows on the western section mark the loss of the church in the 18th century. A simple sundial with the mild date 1830 is painted on the side front. The one-time main port/ch of the church is located within the gallery staircase extension; it dates back to the Spiit gothic period and is reused after the loss of the nave. The portal is ogival and has a profiled sandstone border. The stave, accompanied by two pilasters, rises from a cantilevered base, sitting on a slant, and is cut at the height of a kiimpfer and in the log. The sides of the side front, covered by a straight fall, are broken out more capstan-like.
Assuming a wage of about 17 shillings for a craftsman, the parsonage cost 12 100 daily wages. Converted into today's wages, the equivalent value is about 3.3 million Swiss francs. 22 This made the rectory by far the most expensive house in Ottenbach.
First of all, for 53 pounds 12 shillings a trot for allegedly 400 to 500 buckets of wine (about 500 hectolitres) was set up in the cellar: "With these trots vii costs are saved, so that you don't have to build a special house of your own, but you can put this one so finely in keer. The big press may have been heavily shifted, but at least until the 18th century there was a big wine press in the cellar of the parsonage.
Finally, a well was built for 38 pounds between the parsonage and the washhouse. This meant a significant increase in comfort for the pastor, his family and especially his maid, as they could now fetch drinking and household water directly from the house. The total cost of this first renovation was 142 pounds 12 shillings.
Important renovations took place in the 19th and 20th centuries in 1836, 1937 and 1981, (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
16th to 19th centuries Parish Priests
Instead of a theoretical treatise on the position of the parish priests in Ottenbach, we take individual Ottenbach priests from the 16th to 19th centuries as examples: Hans Klinger led the reformation in Ottenbach in 1531 at the battle of Kappel. As a roughneck he was a controversial personality in Zürich and in Ottenbach. Hans Kaspar Muller, pastor in Ottenbach from 1637 to 1656, left no doubt that he was a representative of the authorities in the territory of his subjects; his role during the tax revolt of 1646 is at the centre of the information about his person. Hans Konrad Rahn, who served as pastor in Ottenbach from 1707 to 1737, was on the one hand an official reporter for the authorities - as in the Second Villmerger War in 1712. On the other hand, by abusing his position of power, he showed where the possibilities and limits of a village priest were at the time of absolutism; he was finally deposed for adultery. Johannes Weber was parish priest in Ottenbach from 1796 until his death in 1800. He kept a diary of his school visits, which shows how closely the school was connected to the church until the 19th century. Hans Jakob Locher, parish priest in Ottenbach from 1800 to 1834, set up the poorhouse, illustrating the attitude of the Church - and of society as a whole - towards the poor, which was a mixture of care and condescension. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
Monasteries
Page 203 - 205
The monasteries, according to Kappel, Frauental and Muri, served as places of worship as well as places of refuge, where pious souls withdrew from the sounds of the world. Since the 14th century there have also been brothers and sisters' houses in our area, smaller, half monastic, half free associations of people who lived on alms. There belonged to the Beghines, women dressed in dark gray, with big white veils, two of them walking through the streets with the cry: Bread through our Lord and God! (Egli, Taschenbuch 1887, page 257.) A Beghinen hostel was found in the valley of Augst, where a house is still called "monastery". Hausen also owned one since 1240Sister house that was connected to the Kappel and Frauental churches. Brother houses existed in Mettmenstetten and Knonau, probably also on the Engelberg farm near Stallikon. Building a church was a difficult undertaking in the old days and often took many years. Voluntary contributions from other circles were required. Ecclesiastical superiors, the bishops, issued begging letters for this purpose, a written permission, certified by seals, to collect voluntary gifts in certain circles and time limits, for example during the conversion (from wood to stone) of the churches to Mettmenstetten, 1473, to Ottenbach , 1484, zu Knonau, 1510. For such church taxes, relief from sins was usually given for longer orgranted shorter time. Numerous masses were read to heal the deceased, seasons (annual commemorations) were donated and eternal lights (with a capital sum for maintenance) were given to the churches. Such events were called "Seelgret", soul devices, works to secure the soul healing of the deceased. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897)
The pastor Ton Ottenbach since the Reformation until today. (From Wirz: Budget of the Zurich clergy, pag. 131.)
1522. Hans Klingler, von Bülach. He fell at Zwingli's side in the Battle of Kappel.
1531. Johannes Bullinger. He received civil rights in Zurich and came to Kappel.
1557. Johannes Blunschli, dean of the chapter since 1571, died 1604.
1604. Beatus Eggstein. He drowned while bathing in the Reuss in 1609. 1609. Joshua Kessler, Dean of the Chapter since 1618. Died 1636.
1636. Hans Kaspar Müller. Dean since 1642. A new rectory was built under him. (This is shown in the first part of our parish register.)
1656. Hans Jakob Heiz. But he died before he started in Ottenbach.
1656. Hans Ulrich Wiesendanger. Dean since 1668. Died 1677.
1677. Hans Kaspar Huber. Dean 1684. When he was employed in Kappel, he suffered a stroke, the consequences of which he soon died.
1696. Hans Heinrich Nötzli. Teacher at the Karolinum in Zurich. Died 1701.
1701. Johann Heinrich Zwingli.Died in 1707 from a stroke.
1707. Hans Konrad Rahn. Deposed in 1737 for offense. Died 1744.
1737. Balthasar Zwingli, son of Hans Heinrich Zwingli. The greatest, most handsome man among all his brothers in office. In 1753 almost all of Ottenbach burned down. The pastor fell ill, had epilepsy (apoplectic) coincidences, never went to the pulpit again, died in 1757.
1757. Rudolf Hamberger. He died in 1776.
1776. David Locher. He died in 1796.
1796. Johannes Weber. He died in 1800.
1800. Hans Jakob Locher, from Zurich. The community did not like his choice. Died in 1834. (Still known to the old people today under the name "Kammerer Locher"
1834. Rudolf Tappolet. Resigned in 1872. Subsequently died in Basel in 1875. Obfelden separated from Ottenbach under him.
1873. Julius Stahel, from Elgg. Came to Gossau in 1880. 1881. Rudolf Kunz, from Regensberg. Died May 1894.
1894. Hans Kambli, from Zurich, currently pastor of Ottenbach. (13 pastors with the name Hans). Five were in the dean's office. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897)
Assuming a wage of about 17 shillings for a craftsman, the parsonage cost 12 100 daily wages. Converted into today's wages, the equivalent value is about 3.3 million Swiss francs. 22 This made the rectory by far the most expensive house in Ottenbach.
First of all, for 53 pounds 12 shillings a trot for allegedly 400 to 500 buckets of wine (about 500 hectolitres) was set up in the cellar: "With these trots vii costs are saved, so that you don't have to build a special house of your own, but you can put this one so finely in keer. The big press may have been heavily shifted, but at least until the 18th century there was a big wine press in the cellar of the parsonage.
Finally, a well was built for 38 pounds between the parsonage and the washhouse. This meant a significant increase in comfort for the pastor, his family and especially his maid, as they could now fetch drinking and household water directly from the house. The total cost of this first renovation was 142 pounds 12 shillings.
Important renovations took place in the 19th and 20th centuries in 1836, 1937 and 1981, (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
16th to 19th centuries Parish Priests
Instead of a theoretical treatise on the position of the parish priests in Ottenbach, we take individual Ottenbach priests from the 16th to 19th centuries as examples: Hans Klinger led the reformation in Ottenbach in 1531 at the battle of Kappel. As a roughneck he was a controversial personality in Zürich and in Ottenbach. Hans Kaspar Muller, pastor in Ottenbach from 1637 to 1656, left no doubt that he was a representative of the authorities in the territory of his subjects; his role during the tax revolt of 1646 is at the centre of the information about his person. Hans Konrad Rahn, who served as pastor in Ottenbach from 1707 to 1737, was on the one hand an official reporter for the authorities - as in the Second Villmerger War in 1712. On the other hand, by abusing his position of power, he showed where the possibilities and limits of a village priest were at the time of absolutism; he was finally deposed for adultery. Johannes Weber was parish priest in Ottenbach from 1796 until his death in 1800. He kept a diary of his school visits, which shows how closely the school was connected to the church until the 19th century. Hans Jakob Locher, parish priest in Ottenbach from 1800 to 1834, set up the poorhouse, illustrating the attitude of the Church - and of society as a whole - towards the poor, which was a mixture of care and condescension. (Ottenbach's population In the course of time by Bernhard Schneider)
Monasteries
Page 203 - 205
The monasteries, according to Kappel, Frauental and Muri, served as places of worship as well as places of refuge, where pious souls withdrew from the sounds of the world. Since the 14th century there have also been brothers and sisters' houses in our area, smaller, half monastic, half free associations of people who lived on alms. There belonged to the Beghines, women dressed in dark gray, with big white veils, two of them walking through the streets with the cry: Bread through our Lord and God! (Egli, Taschenbuch 1887, page 257.) A Beghinen hostel was found in the valley of Augst, where a house is still called "monastery". Hausen also owned one since 1240Sister house that was connected to the Kappel and Frauental churches. Brother houses existed in Mettmenstetten and Knonau, probably also on the Engelberg farm near Stallikon. Building a church was a difficult undertaking in the old days and often took many years. Voluntary contributions from other circles were required. Ecclesiastical superiors, the bishops, issued begging letters for this purpose, a written permission, certified by seals, to collect voluntary gifts in certain circles and time limits, for example during the conversion (from wood to stone) of the churches to Mettmenstetten, 1473, to Ottenbach , 1484, zu Knonau, 1510. For such church taxes, relief from sins was usually given for longer orgranted shorter time. Numerous masses were read to heal the deceased, seasons (annual commemorations) were donated and eternal lights (with a capital sum for maintenance) were given to the churches. Such events were called "Seelgret", soul devices, works to secure the soul healing of the deceased. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897)
The pastor Ton Ottenbach since the Reformation until today. (From Wirz: Budget of the Zurich clergy, pag. 131.)
1522. Hans Klingler, von Bülach. He fell at Zwingli's side in the Battle of Kappel.
1531. Johannes Bullinger. He received civil rights in Zurich and came to Kappel.
1557. Johannes Blunschli, dean of the chapter since 1571, died 1604.
1604. Beatus Eggstein. He drowned while bathing in the Reuss in 1609. 1609. Joshua Kessler, Dean of the Chapter since 1618. Died 1636.
1636. Hans Kaspar Müller. Dean since 1642. A new rectory was built under him. (This is shown in the first part of our parish register.)
1656. Hans Jakob Heiz. But he died before he started in Ottenbach.
1656. Hans Ulrich Wiesendanger. Dean since 1668. Died 1677.
1677. Hans Kaspar Huber. Dean 1684. When he was employed in Kappel, he suffered a stroke, the consequences of which he soon died.
1696. Hans Heinrich Nötzli. Teacher at the Karolinum in Zurich. Died 1701.
1701. Johann Heinrich Zwingli.Died in 1707 from a stroke.
1707. Hans Konrad Rahn. Deposed in 1737 for offense. Died 1744.
1737. Balthasar Zwingli, son of Hans Heinrich Zwingli. The greatest, most handsome man among all his brothers in office. In 1753 almost all of Ottenbach burned down. The pastor fell ill, had epilepsy (apoplectic) coincidences, never went to the pulpit again, died in 1757.
1757. Rudolf Hamberger. He died in 1776.
1776. David Locher. He died in 1796.
1796. Johannes Weber. He died in 1800.
1800. Hans Jakob Locher, from Zurich. The community did not like his choice. Died in 1834. (Still known to the old people today under the name "Kammerer Locher"
1834. Rudolf Tappolet. Resigned in 1872. Subsequently died in Basel in 1875. Obfelden separated from Ottenbach under him.
1873. Julius Stahel, from Elgg. Came to Gossau in 1880. 1881. Rudolf Kunz, from Regensberg. Died May 1894.
1894. Hans Kambli, from Zurich, currently pastor of Ottenbach. (13 pastors with the name Hans). Five were in the dean's office. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897)
1830 to 1848 Regeneration
In one of the cantons, including Zurich, the Liberals succeeded in overthrowing the conservatives. The tendency to relax the relationship between church and state is thus challenged and the political framework for entrepreneurs is improved.
1830 Pastor Locher obtains the construction of the first poorhouse.
1833 Separation of the school communities Ottenbach, Wolsen and Lunnern from the church meinde Ottenbach.
I 835 Construction of the new schoolhouse next to the church.
The poorhouse is abolished, the poor are moved to Kappel.
1836 The Ottenbacher MUiler builds the Kanai to make better use of the water power.
1839 On July I, the district authorities move from Knonau to Affoltern.
In September, a conservative turnaround in Zürich ("Zuriputsch").
I 845 Liberal turnaround in Zi.irich.
1847 Separation of Obfelden and Ottenbach: the fiinf hamlets are merged to form the political municipality of Obfelden, the Miihle Rickenbach is annexed to Ottenbach.
1847-48 In the Sonderbund skrieg, the reformed liberal states defeat the catholic conservatives. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897 )
Revolutionary Period
The revolutionary period is from 1798 to 1803. 40th riot in 1795. Revolutionary year in 1798.
a) The rotten, worm-eaten style of government of the merciful gentlemen in Zurich in 1795, during the riots in Stäfa, kept itself afloat; in 1798 it sank without any resistance to the revolutionary (seditious) calls: freedom of the people, equality, fraternity! But this popular freedom was brought to the fore in French bayonets, and in times of need only a small part of fraternity proved itself! Nor did unity, 1798 to 1803, come out of revolutionary implications. The privileges of the cities, the unilateral tithe obligation of the Peasantry recognized, the separation of legislative, executive and judicial powers pronounced, on the other hand the right to vote of the people is not entirely direct (electors), and the centralization (unification) of governmental powers is far too extensive. The canton of Zurich developed into an administrative region of the Helvetian Republic. The cantonal governor was appointed by the unitary government. Smaller districts (districts) received sub governors. The first government governor in Zurich was Pfenninger von Stäfa, a revolutionary from 1795; first governor in the Müller Frick district in Rifferswil; Agent for the municipality of Ottenbach Jakob Weiss in Toussen.
b) Let us now turn to the events that the revolutionary time brought to our Two Ottenbachers who were imprisoned in Zurich for diminishing the prestige of the authorities have been convicted:
1. They receive a strong response from the council;
2. before the Ottenbach standstill (civilians who take notes in meetings) by the dean in Kappel also a emphatic reprimand;
3. they have civil rights for two years. Junker Ratsherr Meiss spent some time in Knonau Castle, where he interrogated and exercised supervision because Landvogt Holzhalb led an unusually weak government. 1797. The authorities set the ticket to buy the carnival chickens at 10 ß (1 Fr.). From files in the State Archives. 1798, March 14. The Freiamt flag is brought back to the Knonau Palace by 32 men (probably from Zurich, where Junker Meiss has taken to custody). -
April 11. The Chamber of Administration holds its 1798, November 19. Ottenbach gives 140 fl. 10 ß (560 Fr.) to a love tax for the Stans devastated by French war people -, do. 22. From Ottenbach, 4 men were enlisted in the standing (continuously serving) Helvetian foot troops. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897 )
Revolutionary Period
The revolutionary period is from 1798 to 1803. 40th riot in 1795. Revolutionary year in 1798.
a) The rotten, worm-eaten style of government of the merciful gentlemen in Zurich in 1795, during the riots in Stäfa, kept itself afloat; in 1798 it sank without any resistance to the revolutionary (seditious) calls: freedom of the people, equality, fraternity! But this popular freedom was brought to the fore in French bayonets, and in times of need only a small part of fraternity proved itself! Nor did unity, 1798 to 1803, come out of revolutionary implications. The privileges of the cities, the unilateral tithe obligation of the Peasantry recognized, the separation of legislative, executive and judicial powers pronounced, on the other hand the right to vote of the people is not entirely direct (electors), and the centralization (unification) of governmental powers is far too extensive. The canton of Zurich developed into an administrative region of the Helvetian Republic. The cantonal governor was appointed by the unitary government. Smaller districts (districts) received sub governors. The first government governor in Zurich was Pfenninger von Stäfa, a revolutionary from 1795; first governor in the Müller Frick district in Rifferswil; Agent for the municipality of Ottenbach Jakob Weiss in Toussen.
b) Let us now turn to the events that the revolutionary time brought to our Two Ottenbachers who were imprisoned in Zurich for diminishing the prestige of the authorities have been convicted:
1. They receive a strong response from the council;
2. before the Ottenbach standstill (civilians who take notes in meetings) by the dean in Kappel also a emphatic reprimand;
3. they have civil rights for two years. Junker Ratsherr Meiss spent some time in Knonau Castle, where he interrogated and exercised supervision because Landvogt Holzhalb led an unusually weak government. 1797. The authorities set the ticket to buy the carnival chickens at 10 ß (1 Fr.). From files in the State Archives. 1798, March 14. The Freiamt flag is brought back to the Knonau Palace by 32 men (probably from Zurich, where Junker Meiss has taken to custody). -
April 11. The Chamber of Administration holds its 1798, November 19. Ottenbach gives 140 fl. 10 ß (560 Fr.) to a love tax for the Stans devastated by French war people -, do. 22. From Ottenbach, 4 men were enlisted in the standing (continuously serving) Helvetian foot troops. (Obfelden, Gedenkschrift zum 50-jährigen Bestand der Gemeinde, Oktober 1897 )